! Q- s1 R1 h5 I' o& o4 h/ \美國耶魯大學法學院教授兼該校中國法律中心主任葛維寶(Paul Gewirtz),就著近期香港爆發連串的民主抗爭,被中國官方《人民日報》標纖為「非法」及呼籲維護香港的「法治」,以至用「依法治國」為主題的四中全會,於《紐約時報》撰文,談及中國如何理解法治(rule of law)這個原則。# |! X% c! c$ ~! r% I1 D8 g
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葛維寶的文章題為<中國眼中的法治>(What China Means by “rule of law”),開宗明義提到《人民日報》強調香港的佔領者「違法」,並呼籲大眾維護「法治」,從而令人想到當權者想用法律來控制與規範社會。話雖如此,大陸對於所謂法治的解讀,比起《人民日報》此前所說的,可謂更為錯綜複雜。葛維寶認為,即使今天四中全會空前地以「依法治國」為重點,但這並不代表中國會有真正的司法獨立,也不代表中國會有政黨輪替,而司法制度改革的最大制肘,正是在中國一黨專政的體制當中。由此可見,在四中全會之後,所謂的「依法治國」,將是強調以法律來維持社會秩序的施政方針。 " q0 n; I3 @0 D, u. u* Stvb now,tvbnow,bttvb 1 j0 o3 d- `( J8 M( O3 k公仔箱論壇不過,比起國家主席習近平經常引述的法家思想,「依法治國」實在有更深遠的含義。葛維寶指出,中國現時的法律及社會制度早就比二千多年前的法家社會 a0 O7 w4 F6 A. @: p9 jtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb大相逕庭,加上近年中國亦屢歷改革,領導層亦意識到需要變更管治手法,才能適應公眾期望,是以他們所謂的法治,也逐步走向「現代定義」。文章解釋,當下中國對於從前「法治」的釋義,已經對於原初立國時的定義有所不同,甚至更為豐富:使用死刑的次數比從前少約一半,而且也有較好的程序處理相關判刑;新的《刑事訴訟法》(Criminal Procedure Law)亦已被採納,讓被告及疑犯得到更高保障;「再勞教」的制度亦告取消。凡此種種,中國司法的公開性和透明度是有進步的。 . p/ n8 Q, c. M2 v2 F8 h- @, ]4 I. \* e& F
可是講到憲制主義,即憲法高於黨的地位,在中國仍然是一個未能觸及的領域。隨著中國一系列改革,反映政府與人民的關係也因「透明度」提高有所轉變; ; i$ r/ w- v, J1 _; Y. a" \- TTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。然而,也有很多批評者覺得,中國官員屢次「妖魔化」憲政,繼而架空憲法的行徑,是最終不能有效看待法制改革的幕後黑手。葛維寶補充,目前中國並無有效機制確保憲法得以有效實施,是為一大缺陷,但可幸的是,這種敏感議題,至少在此時此刻,能夠讓有關方面藉此機會作出討論。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb8 `) D D8 u; Y4 n/ q N
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簡單來說,「依法治國」的意思是確立一個制度,不單是用來約束社會及其騷動,也是用來約束政府自身。最後,葛維寶總結,「依法治國」的方針並非是要 7 {# F. A( g5 k, R2 m3 j' lwww.tvboxnow.com推翻以往所說的「和諧社會」政策,也並非要對於異見分子--諸如西藏及新疆--的打壓。在中央領導人的眼中,「和諧社會」是一個造就穩定經濟發展、脫貧的施政策略;而「依法治國」,則是一個讓中央領導人窺看法治何以促進社會穩定的契機,進而履行法制改革。( O6 u" F$ o9 ^* s/ o4 N/ I% N: R, e
" }; }: [4 T& G' g( A葛維寶稱,在中國同樣包含了很多反對改革制度的社會人士,無不令改革派受到阻礙;對此,他認同中國改革的步伐與進程。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb' G$ w% S- E7 N; {3 n$ I I
. h* a/ p; u0 N7 N: GTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 0 n9 q$ r7 M, {+ o! [8 g7 ~, d2 `What China Means by ‘Rule of Law’ 6 w/ ]: Y$ b" g; V3 A v$ v* y3 u( w0 fBy PAUL GEWIRTZ * e% S. k: O8 ^" |3 qtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb 4 q' V# |' h/ q* Y' H公仔箱論壇NEW HAVEN — Two weeks ago, with the democracy protests in Hong Kong in full swing, China’s official People’s Daily newspaper labeled them“illegal” and called for protecting “the rule of law” in Hong Kong. Such statements left observers with little doubt about a central meaning “the rule of law” has in the People’s Republic: the Communist Party’s use of law to control and regulate society.9 o. r6 q! H6 ?. V6 I+ t q
) J* r B0 r: H# h, Fwww.tvboxnow.comYet there’s plenty of evidence that China sees the rule of law in far more nuanced and complex ways. Today the Communist Party’s 18th Central Committee starts its Fourth Plenum, and the main topic will be the rule of law in China — the first time in party history that a meeting with the authority of a plenary session will focus on the rule of law. And there are reasons for a measure of optimism that the plenum will demonstrate more complex views about the roles law can play and also take meaningful steps to advance new legal reforms. 4 y9 c6 Y4 P/ s) @& G公仔箱論壇( {$ R! k' H: w' Q3 M0 }
Of course, legal reform has major limits in China’s one-party authoritarian system. There won’t be true judicial independence. All bets are off whenever the party sees a threat to its continued power; steps toward the rule of law don’t mean steps toward multiparty political democracy, which China’s current leaders totally resist. When the plenum issues its report, it will surely underscore that one central role of law is to maintain social order.: W' W N- j/ `' w5 {7 U1 p
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But, contrary to what pessimistic observers have predicted, the plenum is not likely to treat law as merely a tool for the party to control Chinese society, a throwback to the “Legalist School” of philosophy from 2,200 years ago which President Xi Jinping seems fond of quoting. Chinese society and its legal system have already changed too fundamentally for that, and the current regime led by Mr. Xi has already signed onto many reforms and even adjustments in ideology that represent positive steps toward a modern system of rule of law. These changes aren’t just window-dressing; they reflect the leadership’s recognition that it needs to improve governance, address widespread public grievances, and respond to public opinion." P! Q" a8 X3 K( [2 `/ ?
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Consider some legal reforms that have been made in just the last few years. Use of the death penalty has been cut roughly in half, with improved procedures for deciding on its use. A new Criminal Procedure Law has been adopted, providing significantly more protections to suspects and defendants. The odious system of “re-education through labor” has been abolished (though, to be sure, what will replace it is still not clear).www.tvboxnow.com! A7 x( S- u" \: M
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A sea change has taken place in government transparency, with important requirements of open government information changing the relationship between the state and citizens. Zhou Qiang, the strong new president of the Supreme People’s Court,recently issued a five-year judicial reform plan promising to enhance court independence from interfering local governments, increase judicial openness and transparency, improve fairness to individual litigants, and further professionalize judging. ( ?8 S# F: x: e/ |( h9 z& q # d, l) H$ J2 D* R9 X7 b* h( V8 xSome critics point to recent official statements demonizing “constitutionalism” and ask how can China be serious about legal reform if it denigrates or sidelines its own Constitution. In fact, “constitutionalism” has become a code word for a specific idea: importing Western political democracy, which China’s leaders will not accept. But as for the Constitution itself, Mr. Xi recently called it China’s “fundamental law” and said that to “govern the nation by law means to govern in accordance with the Constitution.” China currently has no effective mechanism for enforcing its Constitution — a major deficiency — but at least that crucial topic is now being openly discussed.www.tvboxnow.com& O' Q7 m( r! X3 I
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China’s leaders see improving the legal system not simply as a way to control society but as away to rein in wayward bureaucrats, insist that local officials carry out national policies, establish rules of the road for a more robust economy,provide peaceful ways for citizens to resolve disputes and seek redress for grievances, reduce the corruption that’s seen as the greatest threat to the Party’s continued hold on power — in short, to constrain government itself, not just to control society and contain social unrest. Mr. Xi may have been playing to the crowds when he recently spoke of “locking power in a cage,” but it was a recognition that the party needs to constrain some of its power in order to keep it.. h* V( ]) c( ]8 i+ |8 t8 Z0 I
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Moreover, China’s maturing legal community, as well as ordinary Chinese citizens, follow these developments carefully, so expectations have been raised. Failure to deliver and actually enforce reforms would create a destabilizing push back on China’s leaders. The most convincing reason for outsiders to be cautiously optimistic about these developments is that many legal figures within China, like the revered legal scholar and reformer Jiang Ping, have written about the plenum with cautious optimism.tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb( z, P% E+ H# q9 G# O/ m
This is not to say that China is about to abandon its preoccupation with “social stability,” which too often means silencing or imprisoning peaceful dissenters and activists who blow the whistle on some of the country’s many woes, including environmental degradation, abuses of power and needless policies against Tibetans and Uighurs.. But in the eyes of China’s leaders, social stability is what enabled China to lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty in a mere few decades, generate huge economic growth, and peacefully re-establish China as a major power among nations. The prospects for legal reform will be greatly enhanced if China’s leaders come to see how the rule of law itself contributes to social stability. - u2 v+ J7 ^5 F( C3 Ctvb now,tvbnow,bttvb* `8 ~8 S5 S' M& o1 ]
Above all, we should recognize that every reform made or promised in China, even in a regime that contains factions opposed to reform, provides an opening for a large group of scholars, activists, reform-minded officials, as well as ordinary citizens to push to implement the changes and to find new openings for reform. The constraints are real, but so are the dynamics for producing ongoing reforms.公仔箱論壇' T5 x) @) W* }5 G- ?, e4 h5 v) }* B9 l1 B
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' P' x/ V6 ~) v8 a: F+ M: sPaul Gewirtz is a professor of law, and the director of the China Center, at Yale Law School. 作者: maniac2000 時間: 2014-10-29 09:13 AM
中华人民共和国宪法序言第七段已经明文规定党领导一切,包括所谓的人大,人民民主专政,所以这次的四中全会,只是明确了党权高于一切而已,用反腐打击对手,提高自己个人形象与地位,再以明确法权属于党领导之下,强调一党独裁的合法性,这就是中共也是习近平的施政方针与理念。在四大全会的决议中,明文规定,可以对“不全时适"的法律进行修改,也就说明。党有修改法律的权力。这种根本就不是什么法治。完完全全的党权治国。与当纳粹上台后的所作所为没有一丝一毫区别。党权高于法权,党干部滥用党权,欺压法权,违法轻究,违法不究的年代即将开始。悲哉我中华大地,悲哉我中华百姓!作者: felicity2010 時間: 2014-10-31 07:08 AM
本帖最後由 felicity2010 於 2014-10-31 07:09 AM 編輯 www.tvboxnow.com6 `* s' ^0 Z2 ?! ^/ b5 x
+ ^& R2 H7 V. n/ m; ]6 r) ^5 awww.tvboxnow.com刑法修正案減言論維權空間 ; Q7 x" R9 o+ _0 N Y+ P公仔箱論壇造謠納刑事 擾亂法庭定義擴充/ M; N) ]2 G2 I6 v
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( x {' b6 T5 V% l) M- v! ?公仔箱論壇【明報專訊】明天即將結束的十二屆全國人大常委會第十一次會議,正在審議《刑法修正案(九)草案》,除了將9項非暴力罪名取消死刑,被指在尊重人權方面有所進步,但同時又增加了網絡犯罪的條款,造謠正式 納入刑事罪範圍,可能會壓縮網絡言論空間。此外,擾亂法庭秩序罪的範圍也有所擴充。有律師擔心,維權案件的辯護將更加艱難。 , D+ ]) q5 Q) n+ I3 N# B& Ntvb now,tvbnow,bttvb " `: Z b. q: Z& @2 h, O2 O公仔箱論壇 7 o J5 O# S2 o* h5 @刪帖致罪證滅失須負刑責# X! `, k# r8 l6 @3 s
& |! Z! {7 o+ wTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。他憶述,在維族學者伊力哈木被控分裂國家案中辯護時,法院不停提醒他,案件涉及分裂國家,不能向外披露證據,但另一方面,中央電視台卻播出對伊力哈木不利的證據,他說:「一方面在做依法治國、公正公開,另一方面設置很多司法透明的障礙。」 $ ^, v3 H. K- |4 G- M- c0 }# }: ywww.tvboxnow.com 3 J% ]5 Z, Z3 d) A3 F P8 twww.tvboxnow.com[attach]2971395[/attach] 5 i! o; |5 |* F& v& C: b% o5 [# mwww.tvboxnow.com- y: e8 Q, g1 N9 P8 u% I' g9 r" o
第九修正案需待明年人大全會通過6 w( `" j- D7 D% g. I; f
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【明報專訊】刑法修正案(九)並不會在本次的全國人大常委會會議上有定案,而要等待明年3月的十二屆全國人大第二次會議才能審議通過。公仔箱論壇& P- R1 t! b. b. F$ ^% g
現時所用的《刑法》於1979年7月1日全國人大會議通過,並在1997年3月的的全國人大會議經過修訂。1999年開始有第一份修正案 + K. H; u2 w! L) K5 x$ e+ T公仔箱論壇 9 o& U3 v; Q3 k3 Y3 `公仔箱論壇$ x1 p& B, s f N l; b
擬廢除9個罪名死刑 # F) y3 E4 u2 |! |+ W$ j* eTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。公仔箱論壇& S8 k* A( z8 Y0 c
歷年來,刑法修正案的主要條款,大部分被認為是漸趨符合人道主義、與國際接軌。2011年,《刑法修正案(八)》取消了68項死刑罪名中的13項,絕大部分是經濟犯罪名。今次會議審議的刑法修正案(九)又擬廢除9個罪名的死刑。公仔箱論壇" I8 n/ j: F1 ]% G0 \) x- \) |
2 B o& X$ H+ m) E' f3 T同時,隨着中國各種社會問題的突出,刑法的修改也有針對性的增加了相關罪名。例如2011年通過的刑法修正案(八)針對國內嚴重的醉駕現象、拖欠勞工薪金的現象,把醉酒駕駛、惡意欠薪列為觸犯刑法的行為。同時,把涉及食品安全犯罪的最高刑罰提高至死刑。tvb now,tvbnow,bttvb% t; B' e+ O$ x8 P7 q
1 R0 F% t. o+ V# ptvb now,tvbnow,bttvb $ I& @. t, h4 Utvb now,tvbnow,bttvb兩省官入四中決定起草組 F$ w$ Y8 b6 c* g. Q * l* q$ Z( R2 Jtvb now,tvbnow,bttvb【明報專訊】人民出版社出版發行中共十八屆四中全會的官方解讀——《〈中共中央關於全面推進依法治國若干重大問題的決定〉輔導讀本》,《讀本》收錄了包括國家主席習近平、全國人大委員長張德江、中紀委書記王岐山在內的12名黨和國家領導人以及36名省部級高官的文章,他們也全部是四中全會文件起草小組成員。 / Z. W& Y! A Q公仔箱論壇TVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。# d& O% ^" K( t$ Q0 d2 w
) |( R4 Z/ B' B0 lTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。習近平張德江王岐山領導 0 Z% _' ^ u) [" F5 F8 R" w+ rTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。 . k4 ?1 z$ K. A! wwww.tvboxnow.com《新京報》引述人民出版社相關負責人稱,四中全會《讀本》作者的規格和陣容超過三中全會《讀本》,參與寫作的黨和國家領導人在人數上更是創歷年之最。除習近平、張德江、王岐山3人外,撰文者還包括中央軍委副主席許其亮、全國人大副委員長李建國、副總理汪洋、中央政法委書記孟建柱、中央辦公廳主任栗戰書、全國政協副主席杜青林、國務委員兼公安部長郭聲琨、最高人民法院院長周強和最高人民檢察院檢察長曹建明。 2 z0 {/ N: w$ p, V3 a9 ~4 s1 owww.tvboxnow.comTVBNOW 含有熱門話題,最新最快電視,軟體,遊戲,電影,動漫及日常生活及興趣交流等資訊。3 ~2 ?8 Q1 G8 D! ~0 s/ O; p, m7 x
習近平作《決定》起草說明時提到,起草組有兩名「省裏的領導同志」。現在證實兩人是陝西省委書記趙正永和浙江省長李強,而去年三中全會起草組中,兩名地方官是湖北省委書記李鴻忠、重慶市市長黃 奇帆。由此何見選取的原則是一名黨務幹部、一名行政首長,一人來自中東部,一人來自西部。+ B2 n8 L! d. ~* H1 b; g
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